Monday, November 9, 2009

Evolutionary game theory

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Evolutionary_game_theory

Evolutionary game theory (EGT) in layman's terms. Evolutionary game theory is the application of game theory to "interaction dependent strategy evolution in populations." EGT differs from classical game theory by focusing on how entities interact and change rather than how they interact to achieve equilibrium. Despite the fact that EGT is mathematically based, it has peaked the interest of the disciplines within the social sciences.
The originators of EGT, Smith and Price, forged a computer model called "The logic of animal conflict" as a way to present a theory for why animals have not adapted a "total war" strategy in their interactions with one another. The focus was how male animals maximize their ability to compete for resources in order to compete for dominance over territories and mates. Game theory was used to "test" different "evolutionary strategies" to see which one emerged with the highest payoff for the animal which explained why animals have only a "limited war" strategy which minimizes risk of serious injury.
Important in game theory is that the sets of models be tested over and over again. Only by repeated testing and replication can any insights be drawn. The models are useful in economics because they provides insight into how adjustments are made between two "equilibria." Game theory is also helpful to biologists because it helps to understand organisms in terms of evolution and strategy applications. Game theory is also used to detect "evolutionary stable" characteristics of animals which may mean that the strategies are heavily influenced by genetics, meaning that these strategies are biologically driven.
Successful applications of evolutionary game theory have given way to insights into human behavior because it has predicted behaviors in animals where "strong assumptions of rationality can not be made." In other words, because humans have autonomy in distinct thought and action, it is difficult to predict what a person will do. In spite of this, EGT has still shown some measure of predictability.
Replicator equations are the common methodology or formula used to study "evolutionary dynamics." Continuous replicator equations assume infinite populations and continuous time.

Helbing, Dirk & Johansson, Anders. "Evolutionary dynamics of populations with conflicting interactions: Classification and analytical treatment considering asymmetry and power." November, 2, 2009

Electronic address: http://arxiv.org/abs/0911.0359

Game theory is a theory of how principle entities interact with each other. Game theory is a mathematical system that encompasses mathematical analysis and methods of statistical physics coupled with applications that range from biology to economics. Game theory stems from physics and physicist have become increasingly interested it evolutionary game theory which takes into account the interaction between large numbers of entities that could range from bacteria to animals to human beings. Evolutionary game theory is the study of conditions in which coordination and cooperation of interacting entities occur.
This article is statistical and mathematical interpretation of the researchers study of such conditions and discusses these conditions as a way of understanding a) how cooperation breaks down, b) how subcultures coexist, c) how commonly shared behaviors evolve and d) the occurrence of conflict or polarization. The study conducted used "multi-population replicator equations" as a way of describing populations with "conflicting interactions and different powers." Though it is largely math based, the researchers claim that this article has social, economic, and biological relevance.
There are four different kinds of "games": The harmony game, the prisoner's dilemma, the stag-hunt game, and the snow drift game. If you apply the last three games to "social systems," they will describe social dilemma situations.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stag_hunt

The stag hunt is a type of "game" in game theory. The game describes the conflict between safety cooperation and social cooperation. Rousseau described a situation where two individual go out to hunt. Each one has the choice of hunting either a stag or a rabbit. Each must choose what they will hunt without knowing what the other will choose. If the individual is going to hunt the stag, he will need help from the other. It is possible for him to hunt the rabbit by himself but the rabbit is worth less than the stag. This is deemed as an analogy of social cooperation. There exists a complex mathematical equation to illustrate the stag hunt, that is the "test" or "game" in game theory.

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prisoners_dilemma

The prisoner dilemma is another "game" in game theory. The scenario was developed in 1950 for RAND by Merrill Flood and Melvin Dresher. The "classic" form is as follows: Two suspects are apprehended by police. The police have insufficient evidence to convict either suspect. They separate the prisoners and offer them the same deal. If one testifies (defects) and the other remains silent (cooperates with their co-defendant) the "betrayer" goes free and the loyal co-defendant receives the full brunt of the consequence (10 year sentence). If both remain silent, cooperating with each other, they each receive the lighter sentence of 6 months. If each co-defendant defects (telling on the other) they each receive a 5 year sentence. Each has the choice to betray or remain silent and neither knows what the other will do. How will they act?
In the EGT formula it may be assumed that each only cares about minimizing their own time in jail. It may be assumed therefore, that the only concern of each individual in the game is to maximize individual payoff. In this case, the choice that each makes would be to defect even though, if they both remained silent, more reward for the individual would be gained by cooperation. The game is repeated over and over again giving each player the opportunity to punish the other for betrayal. It is only when the game is played for a random number of times that the equilibrium of cooperation can be achieved.
In this game, no matter what, the individual always receives a higher payoff if he betrays, which makes the betrayal a "dominance strategy." If they both act like one another and betray then the payoff is lower, the highest payoff being that they both stay silent.
In the game, the best "deterministic" strategy is "tit for tat." In other words, tit for tat shows up the most when the game is played a number of times consecutively and each person finds out what the other person did in the previous steps, whether there was betrayal or cooperation.

http://www.physorg.com/news111145481.html

Kummerli, Rolf, Colliard, Caroline, Fiechter, Nicolas, Ptipierre, Blaise, Flavien, and Keller, Laurent. "Human cooperation in social dilemmas:comparing the snowdrift game with the prisoner's dilemma." Proc. R. Soc. B, doi:10.1098/rspb.2007.0793.

The snowdrift game is a game played in game theory that, like the prisoner dilemma game, seeks to explain why human beings cooperate to the extent that they do. Other surrounding inquiry of this game includes questions such as "why does natural selection favor cooperation?"
Situationally, the snowdrift game involves 2 drivers who are trapped on opposite sides of a snowdrift. Each has the option to either stay in their respective cars or to shovel snow and clear a path. The maximum payoff for the individual is to let the other person do all of the shoveling work to clear the path. There is payoff in being exploited by doing all the shoveling while the other sits in the car because shoveling helps you out even if the other person sits. This is the likened to the prisoner dilemma (only opposite) where one prisoner betrays while he is simultaneously defended. The snowdrift game is also similar to the prisoner game in that if both betray (neither shovels) the payoff is not good for either.
In this game, as in the prisoner game, the tit-for-tat strategy emerged. Here however, there were better payoffs for participants who used the strategy than for those that did not. This study found that females were more likely to use this strategy which resulted in more cooperation among females than among males with higher payoffs for individual females. The take away message from this game: Humans adapt the degree of cooperation according to the social context and the behavior or gender of their partner in the games.
The snowdrift game may offer potential explanations for the high level of cooperation among humans and may have more "real life" implications than the prisoner game.









Toulmin's argument model

From the website "Changing Minds.org"
http://www.changeminds.org/disciplines/argument/making_argument/toulmin.htm


Toulmin's argument model
Stephen Toulmin: English philosopher and logician, identified 6 elements of persuasive argument.

Claim: A claim is a statement that one person makes to another, wishing them to accept it as true. It may also be a request for an action one wishes the other to accept as true and then enact. The example given is "You should wear a hearing aid." Claims are often challenged because many people will not agree with claims unless they find a logical basis for your claim, people want you to prove your claim. To prove a claim, one must have grounds.

Grounds: Grounds are the basis for persuasively proving claims. Grounds consist of data or hard facts, plus logical reasoning which is the basis of the claim. Still, there is an element of assumption in grounds because data may be less than 100% positive. Because perception is involved in making claims, the logic of the reasoning may also have an element of assumption involved. In this case, the grounds might be something like "The doctor says that you have some hearing loss" implying that since there is hearing loss, then a hearing aid should be worn. If the grounds are challenged in a claim, proving the claim becomes more difficult because one must seek deeper information about the grounds to prove the claim.

Warrants: Warrants link data and other arguments to the original claim and original grounds. Their function is to legitimize claims by proving the original grounds to be relevant. The warrant may be explicit or it could be unspoken, relying on acceptance that the warrant itself is true. The example given here is "Hearing aids help people hear better." This links the hearing loss of the individual with the individuals action, wearing a hearing aid, to the larger medical data, hearing aids help people hear better. Warrants can be problematic because of the element of assumption present in them. The assumption gives room for the other person to question or expose the warrant, possibly showing its weakness or that it is unfounded.

Backing: The backing consists of more support for the warrant by answering a different question. Here "Hearing aids are available locally." By telling one that hearing aids are available locally you are implying that getting a hearing aid is easy as a way of persuading the person that its not an epic battle to get a hearing aid, which they need because the doctor said, and which are proven methods of helping people to hear better.

Qualifier: Qualifiers are used to indicate the strength of an argument and include words like "most," "usually," "always," and "sometimes." Qualifiers give the argument its strength or its weakness. Here, "Hearing aids help most people." In this case, the qualifier would strengthen the argument because it shows that by getting a hearing aid, there is a very good chance that it will help the person to hear better. Most people hear better which implies that hearing aids don't work for only a small percentage of people. In the very least, it gives incentive to at least try out the hearing aid.

Rebuttal: In any argument, no matter how well constructed, there is always room for the other person to make counter arguments. The rebuttal of counter arguments happens during continued dialogue or can be made preemptively by taking into account the counter argument during the initial presentation of the claim. Here one might initially say "I know that you've heard that hearing aids are uncomfortable and unsightly but I found one that is half the size of a dime, is virtually invisible, and fits very comfortably into small ears."


Tuesday, October 20, 2009

Roommate situations....

Emerson, Robert M. "Responding to roommate troubles: Reconsidering dyadic control." Law and Society Review 42 (Number 3, 2008): 483-512.

Emerson starts this article with a general discussion about the nature of social control and how that varies according to context. According to Emerson, most research in this area has centered on "legal, state centered mechanisms of control" (483) rather than the processes of informal control in informal situations. He defines "official control" as "the enforcement or sanctioning of an authoritative agent" who may at times intervene as a third party in situations that were previously private;" picture some small claims court scenario. Informal control is defined as "nongovernmental reactions to infractions of informal norms" (483); here I picture the dirty look you might get that causes you to cease whatever activity you were engaged in, like trying to cut in line at the supermarket. Put formally by Emerson, these informal reactions "arise with one party's efforts to respond to the undesired behavior of another; such efforts can involve actions directed toward the other and the troubling behavior and actions in which informal third parties are turned to for advice and help" (484).

Emerson cites both Goffman and Gibbs stating that informal control is not so much punitive or penal in nature like formal state control, but rather, corrective or remedial in its purpose (484). Citing Black, Emerson says that informal control assumes many different forms, or "styles," including:

1. Punishment; the deviant behavior is subject to a consequence
2. Compensation; a debtor receives damages for the consequence of the deviant behavior
3. Therapy; the deviant behavior is attributed to a victim, the party who committed the deviant behavior, who will receive treatment
4. Conciliation; a resolution is sought in a conflict relationship between the disputing parties.
With these styles Emerson raises two issues:

1. The styles seem to mirror the "state" or "legal" styles of formal control. As such, Emerson wonders if these styles can adequately capture "the dynamics" of informal situations which are "non-authoritarian in character" (484).

2. The control styles "designate particular outcomes at a single point in time" (484) when all of these styles (except punishment) are a direct product of interaction, negotiation, and cooperation over time between the troubled/troubling parties.

This article is grounded in the theory of "dispute transformation" (Felstiner et al.) which provides "the natural history model."

* the emphasis is on the informal collective process that can expand to incorporate the development of informal control

* dispute transformation holds that disputes begin with an "unperceived injury" and can go through up to four stages:

1. Perceiving/naming the injury; the point where a person says to themselves "hey, wait a minute!"
2. Blaming; the person finds fault for the injury in another party
3. Claiming (Naming); the injured party voices their concern or grievance to the party they believe to be responsible and asks for a remedy or compensation
4. Rejection of the claim; gives rise to full blown disputes that may be handled either formally or informally for resolution

Conley/O'Barr: More elaborate "natural history of disputing model." Differs because it further breaks down the "naming stage" into "articulating" and " labeling" components (484).

Limitations of this theory (485):

Presupposes an injury that must be named by a victim and then fault attributed to another party. Assuming that an injury begins with a "relatively unproblematic event" (485) that simply has to be perceived as an injury; Emerson argues that this model fails to account for how the occurrence comes to be perceived as an injury in the first place, that it fixes a particular starting point without taking into account problems "that are initially ambiguous and uncertain" (485) to the later upset or discontented party. In other words, it doesn't account for the build up that often leads to disputes.

The theory emphasizes time but focuses on a single response, claiming- where the injured party seeks compensation, but ignores reactions where an individual tried to autonomously deal with the problem without making an appeal to the troubling party. Also does not account for situations where the injured party does not make a direct claim to the troubling party, but rather to a third party. Also, the dynamics of dyadic claims (two party claims) look different depending on weather the claim is made directly to the troubling party or if the claim is made to an outside third party.

Solutions to the limitations of the model(485-486):

A more open ended and inclusive starting point has to be implemented. To achieve this, incidents that were originally amorphous or indistinct, but come to be interpreted later as an injury have to be taken into consideration. For instance, if your roommate uses your laundry detergent once without asking or replacing, you might let it go. The second and third time begin to irritate you but you may say nothing. By the time it reaches a certain tipping point, say for arguments sake, seven times, you may become angry and look back at the first time as the beginning of a pattern and attribute fault were no fault was originally attributed.

The array of informal reactions have to be examined in turn for clarification and distinction. Emerson gives the example where people may live with or around the trouble but react by trying to accommodate themselves to the trouble rather than making a direct appeal to the troubling party. They try to "deal" with the situation themselves, perhaps thinking that maybe they shouldn't get so upset, finding fault in their own feelings or reactions rather than the actions of the troubling party.

The focus of this paper is to take into account this theory/model and apply it to a case study of the troubles of a "one of a kind relationship, that involving college roommates." Emerson distinguishes roommate situations as worthy of sociological study because they are not novel one time events and they are difficult to deal with "by walking away." Also, unlike longer term more intimate relationships, like working or family relationships for example, these relationships have a more shallow history and "relatively superficial implications for identity." In other words, in a college roommate situation, you don't know the person, you have no history with the person, and it doesn't really matter what happens because you don't have to tie your identity to the person in any way, like you might in a professional relationship where you worry about the later implications of your interactions. Finally, roommate troubles arise in non-hierarchical relationships of relative equality, its not like deferring to your boss or worrying about what your mom thinks.

Emerson's research questions:
What are the different informal reactions to roommate troubles? Emerson identifies three styles of managing conflict: managerial, complaint making, and distancing and punitive reactions.
How do roommates interpret each others actions and what are their interaction processes when dealing with disputes? Here he will draw on the dispute transformation theory.
Emerson will then analyze roommate troubles and reactions and examine the nature and circumstance under which roommates in disputes use the different styles and informal interaction responses.

Methods and Findings (487):

*Examine 184 first person accounts of problems with roommates that were collected by sociology classes between 1993-1996

*154 of these accounts relate to problems of living together in dorms or apartments

*Subjects were friends and acquaintances of the students talking about recent or current roommate troubles

*Specific interview questions including as much detail as possible when delineating the problems, how they reacted physically and emotionally, when they sought outside help, where the current situation stood, and when the problems were first noted.

*Roommates here were mostly college students, primarily undergrads in their late teens and early 20s

*He incorporates other data into this section such as what people were most contentious about, what people fought over varied with the particular dynamics of the roommate situation (was it female/female, mixed gender or male/male), and what styles of response were most popular
*Limitations: The sample was not representative of systematically selected and the "length and quality of the data varied considerably" (488)
*Advantages: First person data offered distinct advantages. Subject interviewed by their peers; less distance or intimidation present, first hand accounts providing more insight that observation. This data set dealt with cases that were handled informally, where most previous studies of informal control and disputing have had samples where legal/official control has been the outcome.
Troubles Section:
Here Emerson starts talking about how to clarify and distinguish different types of discontents and how people respond (489). Emerson points out that initially, discontents may be "articulated" as the injured party begins to "reflect on and interpret(s) the sources, nature, and implications of the upsetting behavior or situation(s)" (489). Emerson talks about the different ways that people express discontent which range from facial expressions to other actions like brief retorts or "carefully prepared, elaborate problem formulations" (489). Still, not all discontents are expressed on the first occasion or incident. The definition of the core process for handling troubles is defined as a person deciding on responsive actions to "do something about the problem"(489). He moves on to the informal third party consultation that people might engage when they are in the middle of disputes and shows that the third party, weather friends or family, serve as "sounding boards for advice and support" (489). Official third parties were viewed by troubled roommates as an inappropriate means for dealing with disputes.
Many roommates feel an obligation to get along so they often try to handle their issues in a way that sustains an atmosphere of compatibility. They try to be polite and sensitive and try to take care not to be to harsh or antagonistic with one another.
Managerial responses: The troubled party initiates and tries to carry out a response to the disturbing behavior that may seek to change the troubling conditions or develop a way to live with or around the somewhat accepted troubling behavior. (see 492-502; long discussion with empirical examples of managerial responses from his study) This response is low-visibility, minor, situationally sensitive responses. This response may also include the troubled party trying to make changes in themselves, their attitudes and sensitivities as a way of "dilute(ing) or deal(ing)" with the situation (506).
Dyadic complaints: Two way responses where the troubled party asks the other party to take an action to correct or remedy the disturbing behavior (489). Change here is uncertain because it depends on the response of the troubling party to the exchange or negotiation that takes place between both parties (492-502). Here, the dispute transformation model comes into play because it focuses of claiming, where somebody "complains" without trying to get the other person to change. This model makes the distinction that claiming precedes conciliatory or therapeutic outcomes (507).
Abandoning concern: Here, the troubled party may resort to extreme responses designed to distance themselves from the troubling party or to punish the troubling party. This is usually after there has been failed attempts at other responses. The actions here tend to alienate or express hostility towards the troubling party which usually generates a similar response from the other (see 502-505). These kinds of measures usually evolve over time as roommates become frustrated roommates begin to consider exit strategies or try to make the other person move out because the troubles they are experiencing are irreconcilable (503). Here, roommates often have to "make do" with the sour situation until they can actually move out. Roommates often resort to avoidance and exclusion of the other person because the relationship has come to feel hopeless. This differs from managerial responses because the avoidance is usually isolated to the one or two problems, but a certain level of politeness leaves the overall relationship in tact. This response becomes a systematic avoidance of the other person that pervades the entire relationship rendering the housemate situation unlivable because of constant tension. Punitive responses are also employed here to make the other person suffer or to get back at them by deliberately inconveniencing them.

Saturday, October 3, 2009

Social Theorists 101

Ever since (before) we made the leap from Homo-Erectus to Homo-Sapien to Homo-Sapien-Sapien, we have, as a species had a unique and growing understanding of ourselves as individuals and of ourselves within a group. We are by nature, social and communal creatures. With each leap in our evolution, has come a sophistication of our understanding of ourselves, both as individuals and collectively . Since the dawn of man, we have theorized about this connection to the self and connection to the group. It used to be shamans who had the ultimate authority in these matters, but as letters and linguistics evolved along with us, the study of man too has evolved. In this evolving study, many theorists have come forward. Great thinkers and scholars who have sought to explain this part of the human experience.

Classical theory

Plato
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chariot_Allegory
Plato must have wondered how as a species, we could be so tender with one another, and at the same time, be driven to kill one another. To explain our behavior, he puts forth the "Chariot Allegory."
Plato speaks of man as a"charioteer" driving himself. There are two horses leading man. One white, well bred, long necked, and running without a whip, the other, black, badly bred, badly behaved and troublesome.
Plato used this allegory to describe our souls. The white horse our love,charity, and other positive natures, the black our negative impulse toward adultery, theft, murder, etc. He theorizes that man behaves wickedly at times because he is unable to control the black horse, even with the help of the white horse.
Should this happen, Plato believed that the soul of man would be incarnated into 9 different levels of being. In descending order: 1) philosophers (like himself), lovers of beauty and men of culture 2) Law abiding Kings and Civic Leaders 3) Politicians, estate managers or businessmen 4)Doctors 5) Prophets and Mystery Cult Participants (Dieist,Freemason,Crowlyites?) 6)Poets or Imitative artists 7)Craftsmen and Farmers 8) Sophists and Demagogues 9) Tyrants
(If we switch the list around a bit, we could be describing the current hierarchy of modern Western Society eh?)

Thomas Hobbs
Excerpt from: Bierstedt, Robert. 1959. The Making of Society. New York: Random House/ Modern Library. (p.85-90)
The precursor to Rousseau's "social contract" is found in Hobbs' writing. Hobbs (mid 17th century) theorized that man was forced to band together into some form of society, because left to his own state of nature, he is fearful of his own species and has a propensity for violent action. He argues that this initial contact between us is what sparked civil society and this this society required absolute authority. Hobbs argues that men must give up their own personal liberties in order to achieve an "artificial" peace. By this logic, Hobbs affirms the holdings of Aristotle that society is not a natural phenomena, not our natural inclination, but rather, something that man feels he must construct because of his own "ferocity and natural fear" (p.85).

In his book "Leviathan," Hobbs says that "men have no pleasure (but on the contrary a great deal of grief) in keeping company"(p. 87) with each other. He goes onto explain his theory of man and man's natural propensity for quarrel as stemming from his natural inclination for competition, diffidence, and want for glory. This he reasons, is why when men form society, there is need for an absolute power to "keep them in awe" (p.88). If man is not in awe of a greater authority or common power, he will find himself in a perpetual state of war or quarrel, the consequence being that "every man is an enemy to every man" (p.88). Worst, Hobbs contends, is that in this state of war, right and wrong, justice and no justice haven't a place. Therefore, there is need for the State, because without the State, this lawlessness will abound (p. 89).


Jean Jacques Rousseau
http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/mod/Rousseau-soccon.html
This man was a Revolution era thinker (late 18th century)and a contemporary of the American founding fathers. He imprinted scholarly thought with his expanded ideas of Hobbs' "social contract." Rousseau believes that man's "individual will," may at times be in opposition of the "general will" of society, and that such an attitude could, if left unfettered, "ruin the body politic." This raises the question of how to suppress this from becoming widespread. Rousseau reconciles man's loss of personal liberty for the greater good of the common by pointing out that though man may lose certain benefits he may have had while in a "state of nature" when he is part and parcel to the "civil state" he gains many new benefits to make up for his losses. He becomes an "intelligent being and man out of his previous state of being a stupid and very limited animal." It follows that man must guide and determine his own inclinations and actions to the whole of society rather than to the self, so he can then reap the benefits the state has to offer. This is the social contract.
Man, he theorizes, should thus understand that the general, not the individual will, is always in the right because it is on the whole, inclined towards the public good. This comes with its own set of responsibilities of course. Man must PARTICIPATE in discourse regarding the public good and keep the public interest at his heart. Rousseau makes a poignant observation:
"Once the public interest has ceased to be the principle concern of citizens, once they prefer to serve the state with money rather than with their persons, the state will be approaching ruin. Is it necessary to march into combat? They will pay troops and stay home. Is it necessary to go to meetings? They will name some deputies and stay home. Laziness and money finally leave them with soldiers to enslave their fatherland and representatives to sell it..."
Sound like anybody we know? Love those Revolution Era thinkers! People break the social contract all the time and then wonder why they ended up with the dirty end of the stick! I really like Rousseau's ideas because they are far sighted, relevant, and timeless. My favorite out of the entire group.

Adam Smith
http://art-bin.com/art/oweal1a.html
Excerpt from his book "Wealth of Nations," chapters 1-5
Here, to try to understand humans in society, Smith looks to our natural propensity as a species towards barter and exchange. He finds the debate of weather or not this is our natural state to be immaterial, asserting that whatever the case, it is common to all men and exclusive to our species. Of how society is ordered, Smith says that it would be foolish for man to expect help from his "brethren" on the basis of their benevolence. Instead, in order to receive such help, he must interest others to his cause by showing them that it is somehow advantageous to do so. Translation, pay them somehow.
It is through this need of barter and payment that we come to the division of labor. Everybody has to specialize in something or else there would be nothing, no goods or services to trade. If we were all brewers, why would we care if someone wanted to pay us in beer? No, Smith says, we must all specialize somehow. You be the baker and I'll be the butcher. We can then exchange favors between ourselves and still manage to acquire what we individually need, thus forming a cohesive society in which we all participate, add to, and benefit from.

Ferdinand Tonnies
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Gemeinschaft_and_Gesellschaft
German theorist, late 18th century-the 1930's. This social theorist closely parallels the social theorist Emile Durkheim's theories. With Tonnies, we arrive at Gemeinschaft and Gesellschaft. Gemeinschaft is the communal construction of society where individuals are more oriented to a larger association than their own self interests. This societies people share a common sense of beliefs and mores about what the appropriate behaviors and responsibilities of the communal body are. Toonies exemplified the family as the perfect example of Gemeinschaft but allowed that Gemeinschaft is possible where there is a shared place or belief in society that goes beyond kinship.
Gesellschaft, translated to mean "civil society," describes a social construction in which the larger groups interests do not supercede the interests of the individual and where there is a lack of shared mores to the extent that they are found in Gemeinschaft. Here, there is an emphasis placed on secondary relationships rather than the primary relationships of the family. The social cohesion here is derived mostly from the social interdependence created by the division of labor common in these types of societies. Because of this, these societies are more prone to class conflict. Because of the individualized emphasis here, racial and ethnic conflict is more commonly found here is well.


Emile Durkheim
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Social_solidarity
Late 18th century to early 19th century. With Durkheim comes the theory of social solidarity in the form of mechanical and organic solidarity. "Mechanical solidarity" is social cohesion that comes out of a homogeneous group of people based on their shared work, religion, belief systems and lifestyles. This kind of solidarity is usually operational in "traditional" societies, or, non-industrialized societies. "Organic solidarity" is an interdependent social cohesion that comes with specialized work and dependence like what Adam Smith described. This kind of solidarity is found in "advanced" or industrialized societies where differences of lifestyle are common, but not the common ground. The example given in this passage is that the farmer grows the food for the man who makes the tractor that allows him to farm. Organic solidarity is very circular in this respect. The most distinguishing factors of organic solidarity are that in these societies religious practice and belief is more varied and that societal emphasis falls more on the individual than the collective.

Charles Cooley
http://media.pfeiffer.edu/Iridener/DDS/Cooley?COOLLW3.HTML
Late 18th century-1929. Cooley's focus fell more on how individuals become socialized into the social body of society, any society. To explain this he theorized about "the primary group."
The primary group consists of an individuals closest and most personal relations such as their mother, best friend of 20 years, or close and familiar neighbor. It is within the context of these relationships that people become socialized to "human cooperation and fellowship." In our primary groups we are linked by ties of "sympathy and affection." Here, we put away our individualist attitudes and work more for the common good because we understand that by making things good for members of our primary group, we are making things better for ourselves. For example, say you and your neighbor are dismayed about the high expense and poor quality of the produce in your local supermarket. The two of you may decide to go door to door and enlist the other neighbors in the neighborhood and try to get a neighborhood garden going. Though everyone in the neighborhood works 40 hours a week, everybody is willing to pitch in on the project during their free time, not just for the benefit they receive (fresh organic vegetables), but also for the added benefit that it feeds the others in the neighborhood with the same fresh veggies, beautifies the neighborhood, and is an enjoyable cooperative activity that everybody can share together. Pretty sweet. If say, somebody is sick over the weekend, everybody will do that persons share of the work because they are sympathetic and they know that the person has shown good faith in participation before and that their intentions still remain with the greater good. It is this appraisal of the person for their "intrinsic values" rather than their "instrumental values" that allows such cooperation.
The primary group is a lovely theory and in practice is wonderful. Cooley was however, a bit too optimistic because he believed that people would take the values learned here, in the primary group, and apply them in their entirety to their secondary groups, the nation, and eventually the world!
My favorite aspect of Cooley's theory is that he seems interdisciplinary between sociology and psychology. Cooley theorized that "The imaginations that people have of one another are the solid facts of society." Brilliant. Cooley saw society as a part of the individual self, not the other way around. I love that!

Contemparary Theory

Mancur Olsen
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mancur_Olson
19th century. Olsen believed in the "Logic of the collective" or the "collective action problem." Olsen believed that only incentive could stir people to act in a group orientated way. That it is the benefits that a group member receives that will stimulate somebody to join a group. Basically, according to Olsen, we as a collective are beholden to a "what's in it for me" kind of attitude with respect to collective works. All of Olsen's theories were rooted in economics in one way or another. For instance, in different kinds of government, one will find different incentive and values. Under anarchy, the "roving bandit" appears. His only incentive will be to steal and destroy because there is a lack of a "greater good" mentality that comes with the state. In the case of the "stationary bandit," the tyrant, his incentive will be to encourage economic growth, not for the greater public good, but because he expects to be in power long enough to reap the rewards. Olsen saw the combination of these two bandits as paving the way for democratic government, one that improves the incentive for good government by more closely aligning it to the public's wish.
Olsen saw all incentive as somehow being selective. He realized that societal groups have to be small and monitored, otherwise one runs the risk of encountering the "free rider," people who enjoy all the benefits of society without working for them. The question then becomes, what incentive is needed to balance people's selfishness and move them forward towards a group orientation?

Ronald Coase
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ronald_Coase
1910-present. Nobel prize of economics winner in 1991.
I'm not sure where to fit Ronald Coase in this schema of social theorists. I understand that he is an economic theorist, and that in Western societies such as our own, economics are the bread and butter of the body politic, which in turn legislates and sets the law of the land which is the entire crux of social control. Yes, I understand that, but I do not understand why Coases' theory of "externality" fits with social control in the same way that the above theorist theories do. Bit of a hum dinger in fact.
So, there are, according to Coase, several "transaction costs" when conducting business. These include search and information costs, bargaining costs, keeping trade secrets, and policing and enforcement costs. All of this in order to start production and distribution with all the costs entailed.
Next we have "the social cost" of doing business. This did not seem to mean what I thought it was going to mean at all. Apparently, "social cost" has more to do with where the "blame for externalities lies." Externality in this case refers to the effect had on something that wasn't your problem to begin with. Example, say a farmer has cattle that keep defecating in a river 250 miles away that happens to run itself into a lake that you fish in. Say all this excrement is poisoning the fish and making you sick because you eat the fish you catch. Should the farmer 250 miles away be held responsible?
Much litigation with respect to social cost has taken place at all levels of the courts in the United States and I suppose that in this way, Coase is theorizing about the construction of society. Society has after all, grown by leaps and bounds with respect to business and the law, and as such, theories of society have stretched to encompass these aspects of society. Almost like the theories of the other social theorists are given, and we are now just building on this knowledge.

John Rawls
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/John_Rawls
1921-2002. American moral and political philosopher and a Harvard man.
With Rawls, we associate the phrase "the veil of ignorance." The veil of ignorance is employed to "determine what constitutes a fair agreement in which everybody is impartially situated as equals" as a way to determine principles of social justice. If a politician must make or enact a decision, he must arrive at the decision by taking into account multiple parties, and settling on whatever decision benefits the weakest of the parties. That when making decisions, a judicious person or entity will be clouded about anything that could affect them positively or negatively, only then, can a just decision be arrived at.
This article says that Rawls appeals to "the social contract." That he tries to figure which principles of justice we would "agree to if we desired to cooperate with others, but would also prefer more of the benefits, and less of the burdens, associated with cooperation." In other words, with social justice in mind, how do we create a win-win scenario in society?
To answer this question, Rawls says we must "affirm a principle of equal basic liberties, thus protecting the familiar liberties of conscience, association, expression, and the like." Still, it must be taken into account that "formal guarantees of political voice and freedom of assembly are of real little worth to the desperately poor and marginalized of society." People have bigger fish to fry, and I appreciate the sensitivity of this distinction. Therefore, we need to make sure that these liberties are equalized in such a way that people get their "fair worth," no matter what station in society they are assigned. No wonder Rawls won so many awards, he actually came up with a solution to this problem!
The first part of Political Liberalism: The"difference principle". Social and economic inequalities have to be arranged so that they pose the greatest advantage to the least advantaged persons and that positions and offices must be availible to all under the condition of equal opportunity. Secondly in the scheme of political liberalism, each person must have access to an adaquate "scheme of basic rights" that is "compatible with the basic scheme for all." This guy is fantastic!
Next, we have "The law of people's." Here, on an international scale, no well-ordered people will deny or violate human rights or behave in an "externally agressive manner." If a State does engage in human rights violation, they are termed "outlaw states" and do not benefit from the esteem or mutual respect and toleration that a liberal and decent state will.

Panoptics: Your tax dollars at work!

Do you all recall the uproar that was had via the Internet a few months ago when the White House posted on its page the website flag@whitehouse.gov? If not, here's the scoop. When Obama's controversial Health Care plan was announced, a huge debate wrought with anger, shock, paranoia, ect was sparked. Many nay-sayers came forth once the bill was posted on-line and people could read for themselves what was being proposed. The White House put out a call to the American public to report any "fishy" talk about Obama's new Health Reform, asking for everything from casual conversation to chain emails, in essence, the White House was asking that the American Public snitch out their neighbor's, co-worker's, whatever. Check out the Website below to see some of the listed provisions in the bill.

http://www.freerepublic.com/focus/news/2313610/posts

Some provisions not listed here, are the Government having access to your bank account for payments and comments about how old people are old and need to expect some discomfort. Not to mention that the Government has the ability to fine anyone who doesn't wish to be on this plan. Also, this is the creation of a HUGE new bureaucratic organization! I keep picturing the DMV handling my health complaints. Scary! Also, Government officials themselves are deemed exempt from this health care option and will continue to receive the best care from private doctors. WTF? Did I mention the "Real ID Health Card" complete with RFDI chip?

Here to see the full bill in PDF:
http://energycommerce.house.gov/Press_111/20090714/aahca.pdf


We can see why people are so freaked out and pissed! Shouting down senators and representatives in town hall meetings and such. Obama's press spun this fact and said that these pissed citizens are republican "plants" but I don't believe that for one minute! People are genuinely pissed!

Here is where the White House page and link comes back into play. Personally, I was totally shocked! I have never heard of such a thing! Well, maybe in the late 1930's overseas...What the heck are they planning to do with such information on American citizens? This smacks with a pucker of something out of Orwell's "1984."

Then a Texas Supreme Court Judge turned Texas senator wrote a wonderful letter to the White House, asking Obama what these pan optic measures are in place for. Fabulous!

http://cornyn.senate.gov/public/index.cfm?FuseAction=ForPress.NewsReleases&ContentRecord_id=ebc2c77d-802a-23ad-4ae4-6ccf4c7a255c&Region_id=&Issue_id

After said letter, the White House was said to have stopped this program, but the senator remained concerned over what was done with the data collected while the program was operational.

http://cornyn.senate.gov/public/index.cfm?FuseAction=ForPress.NewsReleases&ContentRecord_id=3468f65c-802a-23ad-4cec-033a9a3d8405&Region_id=&Issue_id=

Panoptics, your tax dollars at work.

Foucault on Good Old Fashioned Panoptics

"Pan" meaning "all" and "Optic" meaning "seeing." In our current political climate, its enough to send shivers down my back, but I digress, more on this later.

Foucault, Michel. 1975. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. New York: Random House Publishers.

Foucault's theory on panoptics starts out with a small history on the "plague mentality," that is, what do you do when the plague comes to town?

First, you, the governing body, must establish a strict spatial partitioning of the town. That's a fancy way of saying you must shut the town and its outlying districts down, establish a prohibition on leaving town under the threat of death, kill all stray animals, divide the town into distinct quarters, and place all the streets under surveillance to ensure compliance (p. 195). Here, every family must insure its own provisions, and interaction with others must be curbed completely. If this is not possible, leaving must be worked out to insure that no meeting or exchange takes place with others. Only those in charge are able to move freely. Foucault calls this a "segmented, immobile, frozen space"(p. 195).

Why is this necessary? To prevent the spread of the plague obviously. This seems unfair if you don't have the plague, but you must, as a loyal citizen, give up certain rights at times for the greater good of society right? Ok, fair enough. How very pro-social of you.

Foucault goes on to explain exactly how this system of surveillance and enforcement works. It starts of with a command of "good officers." Next there is a permanent registration of everyone in town; name, age, birth date, etc. There are daily roll calls and a chain of command is established. Lower ranks go door to door doing role call and then report to the higher ranks all deaths, illnesses, complaints and irregularities of the day. These officers have complete backing and authority of the established magistrate. Medical attention lies solely with the magistrate. No physician may treat patients unless they have been appointed by the governing body. In short, there is what Foucault calls "the penetration of regulation into even the smallest details of everyday life through the mediation of the complete hierarchy" (p. 198). Sounds to me like what we now call "martial law" or "operating under emergency powers." But hey, we're humans and our greatest instinct is to survive. From a purely objective point of view, I find it fascinating that we come up with such elaborate schemes! One where we as humans are simultaneously struggling with our need for personal liberty and our need to be a part of the whole. We give up our liberties for the greater good of society. Sometimes, as in the case of the plague, it is necessary. Other times we worry about giving up our liberties for the greater good because we know that the potential for great abuse of power exists. But, that is a horse of a different color.

Foucault said all of that to talk about this: Bentham's "panopticon." This is the original centralized guard tower in prison, that allows a 360 degree level of surveillance of inmates. The guard is in the dark so there exists a certain level of paranoia within the inmates. They know they could be under surveillance at any time. In truth, by this model, the guard doesn't even have to be in the tower. The point is, that because the tower is dark, permitting the guard to see out with perfect clarity and preventing the inmates from seeing in, the inmate never really knows if he is being watched, which means that he must act as if he is at all times. Rather brilliant from a perspective of social control. Foucault even termed this the "perfection of power" (p. 201).

It is perfect. So perfect that it is still in full use today, but on a MASSIVE scale. I keep thinking of the "photo cameras" on the stop lights at intersections. What if due to budget cuts, certain cities could no longer afford to keep them running? The mere fact that they are there causes almost every driver to slow down because the perceived threat of a traffic conviction (read $400 fines, car insurance going up, revocation of licence to drive) exists. The point is that we don't even know if the photo enforcement cameras are in fact running, we do know however, that we don't want to risk it, therefore we are forced to govern ourselves as if we were being watched, weather we are or not becomes immaterial! A perfect and perfected tool for the governing body to exercise social control of the masses by making us govern ourselves; less work and more money for them in the end I suppose. The cherry on top of this little sunday is that we in fact begin to want this order so that we begin to actually govern ourselves and police others to boot. Amazing! This is exactly what Foucault means when he calls this panoptic system a "marvellous machine which, whatever use one may wish to put it too, produces homogeneous effects of power" (p.202).

The other part of this chapter that interested me in terms of social control is Foucault's foray into how panoptic techniques are combined and generalized so that they "attain a level at which the formation of knowledge and the increase of power regularly reinforce one another in a circular process" (p. 224) Say what? Now we throw technology into the mix. Technology aids in the formation of knowledge which gives rise to more power.

But how? The time that Foucault is speaking of now is the 19th century. Inventions like the microscope, the steam engine, the blast furnace and other technologies of industry, agriculture, and economics are on the rise. With new technology comes the ability for new investigations in the sciences. This according to Foucault is what gives rise to the more concrete formation of "clinical medicine, psychiatry, child psychology, educational psychology, and the rationalization of labor" as scientific disciplines. When a discipline becomes scientific, it also becomes endowed with authority because it is now "provable." We are no longer operating on leaps of faith here. Just look in the microscope and see for yourself! Investigation into the disciplines gave rise to "great empirical knowledge that covered the things of the world and transcribed them into the ordering of an indefinite discourse that observes, describes, and establishes the 'facts',"(p.226).

So, it follows that, whoever has the privilege of establishing the facts will be endowed with great power because they set the reference point for everybody in society. With the establishment of the facts comes too, the establishment of how to deal with the facts. With the new technology of investigation and the ability to "prove" things scientifically also comes the ability to curb other ways of thinking about things because the disciplines now have the ability to wave their "findings" in everybody's face and quell any question. Of this, Foucault seems a bit paranoid. With good reason! In a "free" society, a "democratic experiment," the need for opposing viewpoints and public discourse is essential! Science provides us many useful facts of course, but as with everything else, the potential for abuse of power is very real. People can always fit their findings to an already set agenda right? I suppose paranoia is a bit contagious. Do I hear H1N1 anybody?

Saturday, September 12, 2009

Erikson, Kai T. 2005. Wayward puritans: A study in the sociology of deviance (p.199-205). Pearson Education Inc.

This reading takes us beyond the period of the enlightenment and into the practical application of the new rationality. We enter the period, around the turn of the 19th century, where we witness the birth of the modern penal institution in the United States as the new form of discipline for the criminal or deviant element of society.

Dr. Erikson of the Yale department of sociology puts two early American penal models in juxtaposition and draws comparison.

The first is the Quaker model, Eastern State Penitentiary in Philadelphia and the second, Aburn State Prison in New York. Prior to these prison structures, penal institutions served mainly to hold convicts until execution or to hold "persons like debtors" with no convictions (p. 199). Until the advent of these two penal institutions, prisons had rarely been used as a form of punishment for convicted criminals (p. 199).

With the enlightenment period came a new rule of law. Rather than singling out people individually for each individual crime and deciding punishment on a case by case basis, the description of individual crimes became generalized so that individual actions would now fit a standard and in turn, punishment for crimes became standardized as well. Torture and being publicly put to death were out the window and instead criminals were to be imprisoned. Enter the modern age of penal institutions.

The early models of American penal institutions were much like everything else during this time period: An experiment. Many ideas as to how to implement this new form of punishment were abound.

The Quakers, still a political force during the period, conceptualized the penal model in Philadelphia which encompassed both the order of the law with respect to punishment as well as their own moral and religious leanings. The idea was that inmates were to be locked in separate cells where they were confined for the duration of their sentence. If the inmates had a useful trade they would engage in said trade in the privacy of their own cells and would take their exercise in solitude in isolated courtyards. The stated purpose of the "solitary treatment" was to give the inmates a chance at moral self reflection and a "chance to come to terms with their inner selves and gain a more religious outlook for the future" (p. 200). The intended purpose of such self reflection and internalized religious doctrine was to effect rehabilitation of the inmate. The governing philosophy here was that in this solitary yet humane setting, the inmates "natural grace" would be able to emerge (p. 202) changing the man so thoroughly that he should return to society without further criminal incident.

The New York model represented a different approach or set of ideals with respect to incarceration. Here, the inmates were locked in separate cells but would move into congregated workshops during the day to work. Some inmates would work outside the prison walls in "tightly disciplined gangs" and all would come together at meal time in a "common mess hall" (p. 200). Still, there was a catch. In order to maintain control of this congregation of men, silence was strictly enforced by way of corporal punishment. If you got out of line, you were whipped, period. Here the idea was not rehabilitation. The warden at Aburn believed these men to be inherently wicked or deviant. He did not believe that rehabilitation was possible, but sought instead to merely "curb or bend" the habits of these men to "fit the needs of society" (p. 202). This curbing and bending was again, achieved by a liberal use of the whip, intended to break the prisoner (p. 202). The philosophy in operation here is that though the man may not be rehabilitated, he should become "tamed" so that he is molded into a "passive, compliant, and dulled member of the social order" (p. 203).

It is obvious that as the penal system grew and matured, our society leaned towards the punitive side of punishment. Today, America has the largest prison population as compared to any other country in the world. Recidivism rates are enormous and the cost to the taxpayer and society as a whole much outweighs the benefit of the current mode of punishment. We are in desperate need of prison reform. The time has come for a new experiment.